We have been deluged by responses to Barry Wynsma's thoughtful essay on Forest Service leadership - or the lack thereof. Provided here is some feedback on the essay.
![]() Colville foresters exercise a wide range of options across the tribal landscape. Also in the McAllister project area on the Colville Reservation is this 720-acre burn- only treatment near the Cache Creek highway east of Nespelem. |
This unique status extends to Indian land management. Gary Morishima, technical advisor to the Quinault Nation explains. “Indian tribes are sovereign governments with inherent powers to regulate use of the people, lands, and resources within their political jurisdictions. Indian lands are not public lands, nor are they private; they are held in trust by the United States for the beneficial use of Indians. As trustee, the United States has a fiduciary duty to manage Indian lands and resources in the interests of the beneficiary.”
Secretarial Order 3206, entitled “American Indian Tribal Rights, Federal-Tribal Trust Responsibilities, and the Endangered Species Act,” signed by the Secretaries of Commerce and Interior and issued June 5, 1997, strongly spells out that fiduciary duty: “Long-standing Congressional and Administrative policies promote tribal self-government, self-sufficiency, and self-determination, recognizing and endorsing the fundamental rights of tribes to set their own priorities and make decisions affecting their resources and distinctive ways of life.” The Act further states (in uncharacteristically explicit wording), “Indian lands are not federal public lands or part of the public domain, and are not subject to federal public land laws.”
Federal mandates that apply to public lands can also affect Indian lands. “However,” adds Morishima, “such mandates actually apply to the Department of Interior. Those mandates are placed on federal agencies and not directly on tribes. Laws such as NAGPRA, (Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act), NEPA (National Environmental Policy Act), and NHPA (National Historic Preservation Act) are all laws that were enacted for public land management. Because you have Department of Interior involvement as fiduciary trustees, that sometimes creates a gray area (that) clouds the application of laws like the ESA” by triggering the socalled “federal nexus” of involvement.
Confederated Salish-Kootenai Forestry Department director Jim Durglo explains the nexus concept: “If there is a federaltie, through money oremployees, on trust lands,they have to comply withfederal law, includingNEPA and ESA.” [EndangeredSpecies Act] For Dr. Morishima, the issue is clear — and unassailable. “The primary point is that Indian lands were set aside for the exclusive use and occupancy of Indians, not to be managed for general public benefit. Everyone needs to acknowledge and recognize the fact that Indian tribes do have rights that are different from anybody else, rights that cannot be ignored.” But tribal rights were ignored in the past, even actively skirted, through a wide variety of venues, including the General Allotment Act, which has left a messy legacy of litigation, including Cobell vs. Norton, the $100 billion suit alleging federal mismanagement of Indian trust fund accounts, plus confused patterns of land ownership that make tribal land managers’ lives interesting. However, there is a trend toward honoring and supporting the right of Indians to manage their holdings as they see fit.
In a 1992 essay, “Development of Tribal Timber Resources, the Tribal Perspective,” Seattle tribal law attorney Thomas P. Schlosser wrote that “Federal law on Indian tribal timber has gone through three distinct stages, starting with a broad prohibition on sale, next a restricted ability to sell dead timber, and finally, a restricted ability to sell any timber.”
With the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act (Public Law 93-638), writes Mr. Schlosser, tribes became able to enter contracts that “generally provide for Indian tribes and organizations to take over and themselves perform services that would otherwise be performed by the United States.”
“We work with the tribes as partners now,” Bureau of Indian Affairs Senior Forester John Vitello tells Evergreen. “When I came on with BIA, it was more of a paternalistic organization. We have transitioned, as the younger generation and the Self-Determination Act evolved together into a partnership mentality. The paternalism has faded out to where our people really enjoy the partnership. Tribal leaders are strong participants. But we make sure the trust is maintained and statutes and regulations are upheld, and everyone understands that.”
Something else that many are beginning to understand is the long history of active Indian land management and its connection to stewardship today. Bob Zybach is a long-time Pacific Northwest forestry professional who now holds a PhD. in Environmental Sciences from Oregon State University. Dr. Zybach’s thesis studied evidence of Indian land management patterns over a 500-year period on the entire Oregon Coast Range and their relationship to catastrophic fire patterns that followed white settlement.
Dr. Zybach found “ten thousand years of prudent management, using available tools. Now we have different tools and different sets of problems, but it’s a continuation of past practices, not some kind of abrupt beginning.”
![]() The Colville Indian Power and Veneer mill in Omak, Washington. The vapor plume is from CIPV’s biomass cogeneration plant. As with other “cogen” plants around the country, CIPV’s biomass boilers not only help power the mill and bring in power revenue to tribal coffers, but comparatively clean generation gives tribal land managers options when it comes to balancing clean air against the need to have fire in a healthy forest. |
The tribe is considering re-tooling the dormant FATCO west side mill to small-diameter processing, says Mr. DeClay, because “we have too many six, eight, and eleven-inch pole stands where we don’t get any growth. We want to sell the wood off the reservation for biomass so we can treat the whole stand, not just the saw timber.”
Outside proposals for oriented-strandboard production and a substantial biomass plant have been presented to the tribal council, but both concepts are contingent on not only a steady supply of small diameter timber plus smaller trees from the adjacent Apache-Sitgreaves National Forest. Mr. DeClay says, “The tribe has no problem with commitment, but you know how it is with the Forest Service, every time they try something they get tied up in appeals and litigation.”
So why aren’t tribes tied up in appeals and litigation even though many projects have a federal nexus that mandates substantial environmental compliance? Why can they perform? “Because we have sovereign status and tribal immunity,” answers CSKT’s Jim Durglo. “We are subject to public opinion and comment, and invite tribal interests to participate. We’ve gotten appealed before, by interest groups like Friends of the [Wild] Swan, that did appeal a timber sale the BIA was proposing (late 1980s). What happened was the Bureau requested them to post a bond to process the appeal. If they lost the appeal, they would lose the bond.”
“One of the reasons they can carry out programs approved by their tribal councils is that the litigation procedures are completely different,” states John Sessions, Distinguished Professor of Forest Engineering at Oregon State University. “For example, outside parties have to post a bond and thereby incur a liability. With the feds, you have no liability.”
“It is essential to understand the sovereign status of tribal governments,” explains Gary Morishima. When tribal governments proposal a major project, the public can participate through hearings, “but the tribal governments will decide. The tribal public has two options for appealing that, one of course being the ballot box, where tribal constituents elect their representatives. There’s also the possibility of legal action IF the tribal government chooses to waive its sovereign immunity, and tribes may or may not decide to do that.”
The only entities allowed to appeal a tribal timber sale are those “directly and adversely affected,” Mr. Morishima says, “not just anyone walking off the street.”
BIA Chief Forester Bill Downes explains further that under the Code of Federal Regulations that governs BIA, appellants must have proof of standing. “They must have an economic stake or show significant adverse impact.” Further, the determination of significance is left to the discretion of the deciding officer.
Of course, tribal members have automatic standing to appeal tribal projects. However, in Downes’ recollection, “administrative appeal of tribal actions by tribal members is very rare,” having recently occurred only on the Navajo reservation. In that case, recalls Gary Morishima, “Environmental groups got hold of a faction of the Navajo tribe that didn’t want to see any timber harvest on the reservation.” The resulting legal action “forced the Navajos to go through a full-blown Environmental Impact Statement process which cost them several million dollars and took several years to complete. In the meantime, their forest enterprise went broke and their forest deteriorated. But that’s the only instance I’m aware of where that’s happened in forestry.” Tribal forestry, that is. When it comes too their land management actions with any sort of federal nexus, it is difficult to find any that have NOT been tied up in litigation and appeals.
Does the different litigation environment matter? Well, a topnotch team of “name” forestry and policy experts (including John Gordon, PhD., Joyce Berry, PhD., Mike Ferruci, MF., Jerry Franklin, PhD., K. Norman Johnson, PhD., Calvin Mukumoto, MBA, David Patton, PhD., John Sessions, PhD., Michael Sterner, M.F., and David Meyers, PhD.) recently prepared “An Assessment of Indian Forests and Forest Management in the United States,” or IFMAT II, for the Intertribal Timber Council.
The IFMAT II report partially focuses on administrative budget issues facing tribal land management and acquisition programs. Tribal forestry has always been funded at a much lower level than national forests. At the time of the first IFMAT effort in 1991, “Indian forestry [including fire] received only about one-third the amount per acre as was invested in the national forests. In 2001, Indian forestry received about two-thirds...”
The change in proportion is, according to IFMAT II’s authors, because of a “large reduction” in USFS forest management funding and a “significant” increase in fire and fuels management funding for tribes — “significant” meaning a 363% jump from $1.80 in 1991 to $6.55 in 2001 per acre. But funds for non-fire forest management actually declined in real terms over those ten years, from $3.29 to $2.83 per acre. From 1991 to 2001, Forest Service harvest level nationwide fell from 10.036 billion board feet to 1.939 billion, an 81 percent decline. Concurrently, tribal harvest nationwide fell from 729.7 million board feet to 605 million, a decline of 17%. Given the decline in USFS harvest in a strong lumber market, one may be surprised to learn that tribal timber receipts declined more than harvest, down 27%, according to IFMAT II’s authors. “Mill closures caused by lack of timber from federal lands have created a problem for some tribes by limiting their market and increasing transport costs.”
![]() Hustling a load of Colville Indian timber from the Inchelium side of the reservation to the mill in Omak. |